"Women and
Legislative Issues: First We Have to
Elect More Women"
Richmond WOMAN,
Vol. 1, Issue 1,
September 2003, pp.15-16 |
It is difficult to
have any conversation about legislative
or public policy issues that concern Richmond women without looking
first at
the make up of the Virginia’s General Assembly. Virginia currently
ranks 43rd
in the country in the percentage of women in our state legislature. While the 2000 Census confirmed that a
majority of the residents of our state and a majority of the voting age
population are women, only 15.7% of the members of the Virginia
legislature are
women. This is down from 2001 when
16.4% of the members were women, and, because few women were nominated
by
either party to run for the legislature this year, the likelihood is
that the
number will go down rather than up after the ballots are counted in
November
2003. Virginia’s downward trend is at
odds with trends in other states. Virginia’s
15% was sufficient to rank us 37th in 1996 but
15.7% today ranks us 6 places lower in relation to other states.
You may ask, “why
does this matter?” A 1991 study by the
Center for the American
Woman and Politics at Rutgers University found that the increased
presence of
women in state legislatures has an impact that is evident regardless of
the
party, ideology, feminist identification, constituency, seniority, age,
or
political insider status of the women who are elected. Women
legislators are
more likely than their male colleagues to give top priority to public
policies
related to their traditional roles as care givers, issues dealing with
children, education, environment, aging, families, and health care. [Reshaping the Agenda: Women in State
Legislatures, Center for the American Woman and Politics
(1991)].
The
underrepresentation of women in Virginia’s legislature can mean that
there
is no woman at the table when important public policies are debated. In
Virginia, only one woman currently serves on the House Courts of
Justice
Committee that considers legislation including child support, domestic
relations, family violence, juvenile justice, sexual assault, abortion
restrictions, and tort reform. There are only three women on the House
Appropriations Committee and one woman on the Senate Finance Committee
that
determine Virginia’s spending priorities.
The problem of
underrepresentation remains in Virginia and other states partly
because fewer women choose to seek public office. And, the most recent
data
seem to suggest that the number of candidates is decreasing after a
period of
increased participation. There continue
to be real and perceived barriers to women’s candidacies. According to
a poll
commissioned by RENEW (the Republican Network to Elect Women), more
than 22
percent of men say they have considered running for office, while only
nine
percent of women have.
Some women seem to
feel they need some kind of special education or background
to seek political office. Others are concerned about the impact of a
political
candidacy on their families. Women responding to the RENEW poll
reported a
“general cynicism of politics and the ‘old boys network’” and said they
felt
“ill prepared for the political front line” [RENEW, November 5, 1993].
Some
women think they may have difficulty obtaining their party’s
nomination.
Although Republican women have fared “unusually well” in legislative
races-- in
1994, they won 66 percent of their races, compared to 54 percent for
Democratic
women-- they make up a smaller proportion of their party’s legislators [State Legislatures, February 1995].
In my experience,
most women are just as prepared to seek public office as most
men now in office were when they first ran. Many women are more
prepared than
some men who choose to run because they have years of experience in
public
organizing and advocacy as volunteers or community activists or from
years of
volunteering in the campaigns of men. As Patricia R. Vance said,
running for
public office is one way to “trace your family tree.” And no candidate,
woman
or man, should consider becoming a candidate without the unequivocal
support of
his or her family.
Some women have
hesitated to run because of a sense that voters are not
supportive of women candidates-- particularly those who espouse
so-called
women’s issues. The reality here, however, seems to be that most women
candidates start any campaign with some inherent advantages, like
perceived
honesty, compassion, and outsider status, and that “women’s issues”
like family
friendly workplaces, access to health care and quality schools attract
majority
support at least among women voters.
We need to work
harder to find, nurture and support women candidates for local,
state and federal office. What clearer
right should women have in our democracy than the right of majority
rule? Women
make up the majority of our population, in Virginia and nationally;
women
outnumber men among registered voters; and the number of women voters
has
exceeded the number of male voters in every presidential election since
1964 [Sex Differences in Voter Turnout, 1995
Fact Sheet, Center for the American Woman and Politics, Eagleton
Institute of
Politics, Rutgers University]. If, indeed, there are women’s issues,
why
shouldn’t “our issues” take precedence in any election cycle? And, who
is
better suited to articulate these issues than women candidates?
This is not to say
that men cannot do a good and effective job of advocating
for and legislating about issues of concern to women. They can. But, as
Anna
Quindlen has said, if you believe that “our political leaders don’t
have a clue
about real life, look for a woman. I've rarely met a woman who didn't
know more
about the supermarket, the bus stop, and the prevailing winds than her
male
counterparts.” And, it is these “real life” issues that continue to
drive the
majority of the electorate, except in times of war.
It is too late now
to do much about the fact that the 2003
legislative elections are likely to elect fewer women than at any time
in the
past decade. But, it is just the right
time for Richmond women to begin working together to ensure that we
will have
more choices among candidates for public office in the 2004 local
elections,
the 2005 legislative and statewide elections and beyond.
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